La Pollera Ediciones
La Pollera's catalog includes narrative, essay, and chronicle of contemporary and classic authors.
View Rights PortalLa Pollera's catalog includes narrative, essay, and chronicle of contemporary and classic authors.
View Rights PortalAt the heart of Hathaway Education is our commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion in education. Our materials have a strong emphasis on embracing cultural and ethnic differences, exploring various social values and belief systems, and celebrating both the differences and similarities that make us human. Graded readers play a key role in language progression. They provide a controlled environment for students to access stories and themes that will lead to greater motivation, and accelerated learning.
View Rights PortalAmerica's friends and our enemies alike are scratching their collective heads and thinking, "If you turned the world on its side all of the loose nuts would end up in the United States." The Theater of the Absurd has come to life on every television set, smart phone, and social media outlet around the world. A megawealthy upraised carnival barker, who has systematically alienated every segment of society in the United States, stands poised to become the next president! Candidates deny the signs of global climate change—never mind, God will protect us, and since he's a Christian God, he will help us get rid of the Muslims in the process! Can anyone imagine two serious candidates for the highest office in the United States arguing over the size of their genitals? ("You know what they say about men with small hands..."). Welcome to The Politics of Insanity, a serious look at the newest form of the bizarre "reality TV." Where thoughtful, serious contenders eke out 2% of the vote at best. Where it's acceptable to say, "Would you want to have a president with a face like that?" Where a semi-nude photo of a candidate's gorgeous wife is splashed across a TV ad? But believe it or not, Ecclesiastes 1:9 is accurate: "There is nothing new under the sun." Political insanity did not start in the United States, and even in America we've been down this road before. Hugo N. Gerstl, author of The Politics of Hate (2012), slices into the "American Pie" of 2016 politics with a clear-eyed analytical scalpel, and, despite what appears to be an impenetrable tragicomic maze of craziness, he optimistically concludes, in the words of a former president whose wife is the frontrunner in the race for the White House, "There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured with what is right with America." An English-language eBook edition was published in fall 2016 by Samuel Wachtman's Sons, Inc., CA. 250 Pages, 15X22.5 cm
America is being systematically destroyed – not by terrorists from without, but by vested interests from within! It’s being destroyed by politicians, talk show hosts, media moguls, and populist rabble rousers who seek to preserve their “territory” at any cost – by obstructing the passage of beneficial laws, by scandalous lies and accusations, by negative campaigning, and by gratuitous insults. These “saviors” pose absolutely no constructive ideas of their own to resolve the morass in which our country now finds itself. The politicians think no further than getting themselves elected or re-elected. The lure of $100,000 in lecture fees is a powerful aphrodisiac. The lure of power is an even greater aphrodisiac. Politicians, fearmongers, “talking heads,” and captains of industry revel in their fame, their glory, and their self-styled wisdom when the country is in greater debt than any other nation in history, and when we are more and more quickly slipping toward becoming a third world nation each year. If the public starts putting two and two together, the answer should come out “four.” But so far, the “average” American can still be led to believe that 2+2 equals whatever number the spin masters want to make it. What is even worse, more than 40% of Americans are buying into the politics of fear, dissension, and abuse without stopping for even a moment to consider exactly what these political hatemongers are offering in exchange for turning one faction out and securing the benefits of power for themselves. But regardless of political infighting or outfighting, what we are doing is akin to two fleas fighting over who owns the dog. We don’t seem to realize that we have run out of time and money; that we no longer have the luxury of political gamesmanship and needless, stupid bickering. While this timely book points the finger at who’s to blame, it also goes one step further and tells how America, the most powerful nation on earth, can take back control of its destiny and cure its own disease! HUGO N. GERSTL earned a degree in political science and history at UCLA, then went on to graduate from the UCLA School of Law. He turned down an invitation to run for Congress on the Republican ticket as it meant running against his friend and fellow-lawyer, Leon Panetta, who was just finishing his first term in Congress. Gerstl has been a nationally known trial lawyer for forty-six years and remains eternally optimistic about the resilience of the American people. An English eBook Edition was published in fall 2012 by Samuel Wachtman's Sons INC., C.A. 454 pages, 15x22.5cm
LA POLÍTICA DEL ODIO – Una aguda y reveladora visión de la política norteamericana De cómo obstruccionistas, medios de comunicación e intereses creados están convirtiendo a los Estados Unidos en un país del tercer mundo y CÓMO PODEMOS RECUPERARNOS por HUGO N. GERSTL Los Estados Unidos están siendo destruidos de manera sistemática, no desde afuera por terroristas, sino desde adentro, por intereses creados. El país está siendo destruido por políticos, por presentadores de programa de entrevistas, magnates mediáticos y demagogos populistas, que procuran conservar su «territorio» a cualquier precio, obstruyendo la aprobación de leyes provechosas, mediante mentiras y acusaciones escandalosas, campañas negativas y agravios injustificados. Estos «redentores» no presentan ninguna idea constructiva que hayan concebido para ayudar a salir del atolladero en el que nuestro país se encuentra. En lo único que piensan los políticos es en ser electos y reelectos. El señuelo de USD 100.000 de honorarios de conferencista es un potente afrodisíaco. El señuelo del poder es un afrodisíaco aún más potente. Políticos, metemiedos, parlanchines y líderes empresariales se deleitan con su fama, su gloria y su autoproclamada sabiduría, en momentos en que el país está más endeudado que cualquier otra nación en la historia y cuando año a año avanzamos cada vez más rápido hacia la posibilidad de convertirnos en un país del tercer mundo. Si el público comienza a sumar dos más dos, la respuesta lógica debe ser cuatro. Pero hasta ahora, aún se puede hacer creer al estadounidense promedio que dos más dos equivale a cualquier número que a los maestros del rollo político se les ocurra. Lo peor es que más del 40% de los estadounidenses aceptan la política de miedo, cizaña y atropello, sin siquiera detenerse un momento a pensar qué es exactamente lo que estos traficantes del odio político ofrecen a cambio de echar a un lado a una facción y asegurarse para ellos mismos las ventajas del poder. Pero independientemente de las querellas políticas internas o externas, lo que hacemos es algo parecido a dos pulgas que se pelean para saber cuál de ellas es la propietaria del perro. Parece que no nos damos cuenta de que el tiempo y el dinero se nos han acabado, que ya no podemos permitirnos el lujo de astutas maniobras políticas y de inútiles y estúpidas reyertas. Aunque este oportuno libro señala a quién es el culpable, va también un poco más allá y cuenta cómo los Estados Unidos, la nación más poderosa del planeta, pueden recuperar el control de su destino y curar su propia enfermedad. HUGO N. GERSTL obtuvo una licenciatura en ciencias políticas e historia de la Universidad de California en Los Ángeles (UCLA) y después cursó estudios y se graduó en la Facultad de Derecho de la misma universidad. Gerstl rechazó una invitación para postularse para el Congreso por el partido Republicano, ya que eso hubiera significado competir con su amigo y colega, el abogado León Panetta, que acababa de completar su primera cadencia en el Congreso. Gerstl es ampliamente conocido en todo el país hace ya cuarenta y seis años como abogado penalista y sigue siendo eternamente optimista acerca de la capacidad de recuperación del pueblo estadounidense.
Addressing a dearth of literature in this area, this book provides a comprehensive overview and framework of study of the politics of religious tourism. Existing work shows awareness that politics is present but the approach has been one of benign neglect, and/or a priori assumptions about the role of politics in the management of sacred sites. Previous literature is fragmented into various perspectives and approaches that best serve different disciplinary interests. By understanding the politics of religious tourism through the various perspectives and approaches from the discipline of political science The Politics of Religious Tourism; · Focuses on how power is exercised regarding religious tourism. · Looks at the governing institutions of religious tourism including the role of relevant governmental bodies such as ministries of tourism or national tourism boards, ministries of religion and/or culture. · Covers the role and influence of religious governing institutions, such as state-supported church/mosque officials, and universities. It will be of valuable interest to researchers and students of religious tourism, pilgrimage, as well as related subjects such as political science, economics, sociology, tourism and religious studies.
This collection brings together studies of popular performance and politics across the nineteenth century, offering a fresh perspective from an archivally grounded research base. It works with the concept that politics is performative and performance is political. The book is organised into three parts in dialogue regarding specific approaches to popular performance and politics. Part I offers a series of conceptual studies using popular culture as an analytical category for social and political history. Part II explores the ways that performance represents and constructs contemporary ideologies of race, nation and empire. Part III investigates the performance techniques of specific politicians - including Robert Peel, Keir Hardie and Henry Hyndman - and analyses the performative elements of collective movements.
Die Politik des Irrsinns / Hugo N. Gerstl Amerikas Freunde und unsere Feinde kratzen sich am Kopf und denken: „Wenn man die Welt auf die Seite stellen würde, würden alle losen Nüsse in den Vereinigten Staaten landen.“ Das absurde Theater ist auf allen Fernsehgeräten, Smartphones und sozialen Medien ausgebrochen. Ein megareicher Emporkömmling, der systematisch jedes Segment der Gesellschaft in den Vereinigten Staaten vor den Kopf stößt, steht kurz davor, der nächste Präsident zu werden! Kandidaten leugnen die Anzeichen des globalen Klimawandels – egal, Gott wird uns beschützen, und da er ein christlicher Gott ist, wird er uns gleich noch dabei helfen, die Muslime loszuwerden! Kann sich jemand zwei ernsthafte Kandidaten für das höchste Amt in den Vereinigten Staaten vorstellen, die sich über die Größe ihrer Genitalien streiten? („Sie wissen, was man über Männer mit kleinen Händen sagt...“). Willkommen bei Die Politik des Irrsinns, einem ernsthaften Blick auf die neueste Form des bizarren „Reality-TV“. Wenn höchstens 2 % der Kandidatenliste vernünftige, ernsthafte Kandidaten sind. Wenn es akzeptabel ist zu sagen: „Wollt ihr etwa einen Präsidenten mit so einer Nase?“ Wenn eine Kandidatengattin halbnackt in der Werbung posiert. Aber ob Sie es glauben oder nicht, Prediger 1:9 ist Realität: „Es gibt nichts Neues unter der Sonne.“ Der politische Irrsinn ist nicht in den Vereinigten Staaten erfunden worden, und selbst in Amerika waren wir schon einmal auf diesem Weg. Hugo N. Gerstl, Autor von The Politics of Hate (2012), seziert mit scharfem Skalpell den American Pie der Politik von 2016 und beschreibt, was wie ein undurchdringlicher tragikomischer Irrgarten der Verrücktheit erscheint. Er schließt optimistisch, mit den Worten eines ehemaligen Präsidenten, dessen Frau im Rennen um das Weiße Haus die Nase vorn hat: „Es gibt nichts Falsches an Amerika, das nicht mit dem geheilt werden kann, was an Amerika richtig ist.“ Eine englischsprachige E-Book-Ausgabe wurde im Herbst 2016 von Samuel Wachtmans Sons, Inc., CA, veröffentlicht. 250 Seiten, 15 x 22,5 cm.
From Diane Abbott to Hugo Young via Keynesianism and Thatcherism, from Major to Millbank and from New Labour to Norman Tebbitt, this book is the ultimate student reference guide to British politics. The 2nd edition has been fully updated to take account of all the changes that have taken place in British politics since 2004. With over one thousand entries, the book covers the personalities, policies and institutions that have shaped British politics, with special emphasis on developments since the beginning of the twentieth century. This is the ideal instant reference book on British politics. It provides the reader with short, authoritative explanations and definitions of key terms, institutions, offices of state, political events, processes and policies as well as biographies of well known politicians, political thinkers, movements and theorists. Any student unsure of a term, an event, the details of the life of a prominent politician, or the inner workings of an institution can turn to this book for immediate assistance. ;
Mit schönem Farbschnitt in der Erstauflage – Lieferung je nach Verfügbarkeit Der schmale Grat zwischen Herzflattern und Abscheu Katerina und Christopher haben sich als Kinder einen Hinterhof geteilt, aber als Erwachsene teilen sie nicht einmal die gleiche Hemisphäre. Bis Kate zu einem seltenen Besuch nach Hause kommt und die beiden wieder einmal aneinandergeraten. Trotz der Bitten ihrer Familien um Frieden ist Christopher nicht davon überzeugt, dass Kate bereit ist, ihre Fehde hinter sich zu lassen. Doch dann gesteht Kate ihm betrunken, warum sie immer so feindselig war. Daraufhin schwört Christopher sich, ein für alle Mal Frieden mit Kate zu schließen. So verlockend es auch ist, sich von ihren Gefühlen mitreißen zu lassen, so unsicher ist Kate sich, ob sie seinem charmanten Auftreten als guter Kerl trauen kann … Better Hate than Never: Wenn aus Feindschaft Liebe wird Ein Muss für alle RomCom-Liebhaber*innen: Band 2 der erfolgreichen Wilmot-Sisters-Serie von Chloe Liese. Lieben oder hassen: Tiefgründige Liebesgeschichte für New Adult Fans ab 16 Jahren mit dembeliebten Trope „Childhood Enemies”. Mitreißende Story: Eine moderne Neuinterpretation von Shakespeares „Der Widerspenstigen Zähmung“ mit einer Prise Spice. Aufregend: New Adult Romance über die komplexe Welt des Erwachsenwerdens mit all ihren emotionalen Turbulenzen. Toll ausgestattet in der Erstauflage: Softcover mit Klappen, farbig illustrierter Buchschnitt und coolem Lesezeichen zum Abtrennen.
This book is a study of the ambitions, activities and achievements of Methodist missionaries in northern Burma from 1887-1966 and the expulsion of the last missionaries by Ne Win. The story is told through painstaking original research in archives which contain thousands of hitherto unpublished documents and eyewitness accounts meticulously recorded by the Methodist missionaries. This accessible study constitutes a significant contribution to a very little-known area of missionary history. Leigh pulls together the themes of conflict, politics and proselytisation in to a fascinating study of great breadth. The historical nuances of the relationship between religion and governance in Burma are traced in an accessible style. This book will appeal to those teaching or studying colonial and postcolonial history, Burmese politics, and the history of missionary work.
The increasing hostility that Jews experience can no longer be explained away with fine rhetoric. Antisemitism is taking hold in a menacing way at the heart of society. Sigmund Gottlieb addresses his wake-up call to the population at large: stand up – not only against right-wing extremist violence and radical Islamism, but also against hatred in the social media, against unfair criticism of the state of Israel, against anti-Jewish abusive language in the school playground, against trivializing reports in the media and day-to-day indifference. The resurgent talk of ‘packed suitcases’ in Jewish communities is a moral indictment. And it is intolerable.
This important book provides new understandings of how the politics of memory impacts peace in societies transitioning from a violent past. It does so by developing a theoretical approach focusing on the intersection of sites, agency, narratives, and events in memory-making. Drawing on rich empirical studies of mnemonic formations in Cyprus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda, South Africa and Cambodia, the book speaks to a broad audience. The in-depth, cross-case analysis shows that inclusivity, pluralism, and dignity in memory politics are key to the construction of a just peace. The book contributes crucial and timely knowledge about societies that grapple with the painful legacies of the past and advances the study of memory and peace.
As a child, she could not understand why people in films about the blockade of Leningrad were always lying down. And when Mariupol was besieged by the Russians, and she and her husband lived for many days without water, food and heat under constant shelling, she realized that when you lie down, you save strength and energy. "77 Days of February" included reports written by journalists of the Reporters media in the period between February 23 and May 9 — two symbolic dates for Russian military ideology. The invasion of Russian troops into Ukraine stopped the number of days and pushed Ukrainians back to the intervening time, where February — the month of the beginning of the great war — still lasts. In the meantime and in these candid stories, there is pain, fear, hatred, and sometimes despair. But the main thing is hope. This is a bare nerve and an honest voice of the new Ukrainian reality.
The book is a collection of essays about the transformation of America, which has turned from a united nation to one more divided than ever. Some pundits predict that, if things don’t change, another civil war could occur. Have we reached a point of no return? Hopefully, America is mature enough to learn from its mistakes and avoid further scars along its evolving history. "Trumplandia is a welcome addition toward understanding current events, Washington’s international policy, and the present American society; a society polarized and divided as it has not been since the Civil War.” NICHOLAS DIMA, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor and Research Associate, Nelson Institute, James Madison University, Virginia. "The book is fascinating. It provides background to, and insights into [the] current and past political history as well as offering a personal view... of the country and society. Presented in thematic form in chapters and sections, the insights offered provide a suggestive radiography...” Dr. DENNIS DELETANT, OBE, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, Washington DC. "There has been this backsliding in... what a truly functioning rule-of-law state is, that has proper separation of co-equal powers, which, if you don’t keep working on that, you backslide. And I am even worried about that here, in the United States right now, about backsliding.” OBIE MOORE, Esq., OLM Advisors LLC, Washington DC “Indeed, Trumplandia should be a welcome addition to any scholar, student or layman’s library, especially in its international edition. If anyone loses sleep over its challenging assertions, then it will have been well worth it.” ERNESTO MORALES HIZON, Ph.D. Candidate in American and Comparative Politics at Claremont Graduate University, Member, Integrated Bar of the Philippines ABOUT THE AUTHOR: TIBERIU DIANU has practiced law in Romania (as a corporate lawyer, judge, senior counselor at the Ministry of Justice, university professor and senior legal researcher), and in the United States (as a legal expert for the judiciary). He published several books and a host of articles in law, politics, and post-communist societies. Tiberiu currently lives and works in Washington, DC.
This book explores radical dissent from orthodox mainstream economics, and sets out a theoretically grounded vision for the emerging paradigm of social ecological economics. At the heart of this paradigmatic shift lies an acknowledgement of the inextricable embeddedness of economies in biophysical reality and social structure. The struggle for this transformative vision unfolds through a critical examination of mainstream environmental thought, followed by a nuanced evaluation of contributions from Marxists, socialists, critical institutionalists, feminists and Post-Keynesians grappling with the urgent environmental crisis. Synthesising insights from these diverse and heterodox schools, the book navigates the philosophical underpinnings of science, embracing a critical realist approach that challenges not only mainstream economic thought but also eclectic pluralism, relativism and strong constructionism. The question of what constitutes revolutionary science is explored in light of works by Kuhn, Schumpeter and Neurath, emphasising the pivotal role of values and ideology in works from Marx to Gramsci. Building on these radical and philosophical foundations, the book articulates a preanalytic vision of social ecological economics, dismantling entrenched notions of growth and efficiency in favour of a framework centered on social provisioning and needs embedded in ethics. In a thought-provoking conclusion, the book applies its analytical lens to the multiple crises of modernity within industrialised capital-accumulating economies. An agenda for social ecological transformation toward diverse alternative economies emerges, providing a compelling call to action in the face of contemporary challenges.
This book examines Turkey's integration with Europe within structural dynamics of globalisation from a critical political economy perspective. Critical approaches have been sidelined within European Studies. Turkish enlargement is not an exemption. The analyses are based on original data generated by 109 interviews conducted in 2010, 2017 and 2023 with five categories of actors: representatives of capital and labour, political parties, state officials, and struggles around ecology, patriarchy and migration. It argues that the pro-membership was hegemonic in the 2000s which was contested by two rival class strategies, Ha-vet and neo-mercantilism. In the 2010s, pro-membership is no longer hegemonic within rising critical tone of social forces supporting rival class strategies. Unevenness of Turkey's trajectory of integration to Europe is likely to be consolidated through market integration and management of migration through transactional approach.
This book offers a comprehensive study of racialisation of Romani communities in Europe (and beyond). Drawing on the idea of unbelonging it demonstrates how Romani communities are placed in a position of visceral visibility by local, national and international institutions as well as public media discourses. It shows how such positionality impacts the ability of Roma to self-represent politically and build capacity for change. From the position of unbelonging the book offers an account of Romani agency which both challenges the mainstream representations of Roma but also develops an alternative none-nation-state sense of belonging. In doing so the book outlines an account of Romani alternative expressions in order to take control of their relationship with their own history, future, knowledge, and identity, and the rest of the society.
This ground-breaking study is the first to systematically examine the politics and political culture of provincial Ireland. The book compares two distinct localities that provide differing perspectives on how politics and power manifested itself in provincial Ireland: Sligo in the north west and Limerick in the south west. Drawing on a wealth of previously unknown and under-utilised contemporary material, David Fleming focuses on individuals who were determined to shape the political landscape and those who were affected by their actions. The book challenges many accepted models of how Ireland and the Irish were governed. While the propertied élite dominated many aspects of the political process, individuals and groups from the professional, mercantile, rural and other sections of society - the 'middling orders' - were also active in local institutions and office-holding. Their story, recounted here, reveals a far more complex set of relationships. Politics and provincial people is a carefully constructed story of people's motivations, ideas, and actions, and offers new insights into the complexity of their lives and the Irish political landscape. ;